معلومات عن ياسر عرفات باللغة الانجليزية

تعبير تقرير برجراف فقرة برزنتيشن بحث موضوع ملخص جاهز باللغة الانجليزي  كتابة انشاء عبارات حكم اقوال تعبير بالانجليزي عن. تقرير جاهز سهل بسيط قطعة معلومات بسيطة مبسط نبذة عن جمل عن اسم كلمة معنى كيف تكتب مترجم رحلة انجليزي

information about   paragraph  presentation  عن مقال حول  للطلاب عرض ملخص مختصر حول الحياة والعادات والتقاليد فى  لمحة تعريفية بالانجلش تلخيص قصير كلمة تحدث  تقرير انجليزي عن مقدمة خاتمة   عبارات جميلة باللغة الانجليزية حكم وامثال

ـ موضوع انجليزي عن ابدا موضوع تعبير بالانجليزي قصير كيفية كتابة موضوع تعبير باللغة الانجليزية توجيهي قواعد كتابة تعبير بالانجليزي طريقة سهلة لكتابة تعبير بالانجليزي

موضوع تعبير انجليزي يصلح لكل المواضيع كتابة تعبير بالانجليزي عن نفسك

كيفية كتابة paragraph باللغة الانجليزية كتابة تعبير بالانجليزي عن المستقبل

تعبير انجليزي يصلح لكل المواضيع موضوع انشاء شامل لكل المواضيع موضوع تعبير عربي يصلح لجميع المواضيع موضوع تعبير انجليزي جاهز برجراف ينفع لاى موضوع

ياسر عرفات وجائزة نوبل للسلام انجليزي

موضوع انجليزي عن ابو عمار

اسم عرفات بالانجليزي

رئيس فلسطين السابق

موضوع باللغة الانجليزية عن ياسر عرفات Yasser Arafat

موضوع تعبير عن يآسر عرفآت باللغة الانجليزية

موضوع عن ياسر عرفات (بالانجليزي)

نبذة عن حياة الراحل ياسر عرفات (ابو عمار)

موضوع بالانجليزي عن ياسر عرفات من هو ياسر عرفات جنازة ياسر عرفات في اي سنة وفاة ياسر عرفات حصار ياسر عرفات سقوط طائرة ياسر عرفات ياسر عرفات يهودي موقف ياسر عرفات من غزو الكويت

By spinning the metaphor, one could even cynically claim that Arafat died as he lived, as a wandering Jew, far from the land of his ancestors. Just like the Jews, he was also a son of exile. In the literal sense as well as figuratively. Contrary to his allegations that make him see the day in Jerusalem, the future president of the Palestinian Authority was indeed born in Egypt, Cairo, August 29, 1929. The date itself is a nod to the 'History. That day, Palestinians from Hebron and Safed massacred the local Jewish communities. Do not be mistaken about where you are born. Mohammed Yasser el Koudouah Arafat el Husseini - it is his real name - is indeed Palestinian although he has preserved in Arabic an extended Egyptian accent. His father, Abder Raouf, is related to Hajj Amine Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. As for his mother, Zaoua, she comes from the Abu Saud family in Jerusalem that tradition brings down from the Prophet Mohammed.

If we stick to this version, Arafat is a very distant relative of Mohammed VI of Morocco, King Abdullah of Jordan or Saddam Hussein who claimed, too, to come down from the Prophet. In 1927, Abder Raouf el Koudouah left Palestine in the grip of a serious economic crisis, to direct a cheese factory in Cairo. He works hard to feed his seven children, orphans quickly, since Zaoua died in 1933. Yasser is sent with his brother Fathi to an uncle in Jerusalem, Salim Abu Saud. There, young Yasser witnesses the growing tension between Jews and Arabs. The influx of several thousand German Jewish refugees sparked protests and riots in the Old City, including the Wailing Wall and the Esplanade of the two mosques, near the family home.

In 1937, Arafat is back in Cairo. The reunion with his father is difficult. Abder Raouf has remarried and the stepmother does not like this turbulent kid, always on the mop in the streets of this cosmopolitan city, where Egyptians rub shoulders with Greeks, Italians, British, Armenians, Ethiopians and Jews. According to his sister Inam, Yasser Arafat does not disdain to attend Jews, or even attend religious services in the synagogues of Harat-al-Yahud, the Jewish quarter of Cairo. "I was studying their mentality," he will say later. The fascination will be lasting. One of Yasser Arafat's first acts every day will be to consult a summary of the Israeli press and, in an interview, when he learned that his interlocutor was Jewish, there was no shortage, I can testify, of to express, by a quote or anecdote, his knowledge, in fact very superficial, of Judaism. More than one was caught in this clever trap that demonstrated the political qualities of Rais.

In Cairo, in the thirties, the family follows the events closely, without showing too much commitment. Its ties - even far away - with the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who became the ally of the Nazis for whom he will lift an SS Arab Legion, make the British, who are omnipresent in Egypt, closely watching her.

In November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly voted to partition Palestine. In the Arab homes as in the Jewish homes, the whole night of November 27 was followed by the broadcast of the debates and the vote on the radio. In the early morning, joy explodes in some, sadness in others.

Along with his high school friends, Yasser Arafat fled the family home and went to Gaza, where fugitives priced themselves for corrupt antique Egyptian officers. Arafat receives there, at the end of April 1948, his baptism of fire during the attack on the kibbutz of Kfar Darome.

Enthusiasm quickly gives way to politics. On May 15, 1948, the day after the proclamation of Israel's Declaration of Independence, the Arab armies went on the attack. Without the help of the Palestinians, the Egyptians hasten to disarm. This is a painful memory for the President of the Palestinian Authority and convinces him that corrupt Arab regimes have been and will always be primarily responsible for the Palestinian tragedy and the isolation of his people. Throughout his life, he will not miss opportunities to verify this fact.

Arafat then wins Jerusalem where he participates in the fighting between Jews and Arabs. One of the most prestigious Palestinian leaders is Abdel Kader al Husseini, whose son, Fayçal Husseini, was, until his death, the representative of the PLO in West Jerusalem and one of the main architects of Oslo and the defunct peace process.

The first Arab-Israeli war ends with the victory of the Haganah. As for the Palestinian state, provided for in the 1947 partition plan, it does not see the light of day. Egypt occupies Gaza and King Abdalah of Jordan, great-grandfather of the current ruler, occupies the old city of Jerusalem and the West Bank and annexes to his kingdom.

This is the time of the Naqba, the disaster. More than 750,000 Palestinians leave their homes and pile up in Jordan, Lebanon or Syria in camps. Provisional. A provisional which, for many of them, still lasts.

Arafat does not share their fate. He returns to Cairo and plans to move to the USA. The visa is refused.

Unhappy, the son of the cheese maker enrolls at Fouad I University to take engineering courses. He leads his studies and activism. Revolted by the corrupt regime of Farouk I, he flirts with the Muslim Brotherhood for a while. Because he is a believer and a practitioner. He soon leaves the "Brothers" to get close to Egyptian "free officers" (Neguib, Nasser, Sadat) who secretly prepare for the overthrow of the monarchy.

In the early fifties, this lanky young man, small (1m65) wears suit and tie. This earned him, just like his seriousness, the jeers of his classmates, lovers of nocturnal pleasures cairotes. He avoids night clubs and abstains from collecting the feminine adventures: "My fiancee is Palestine" he answers his critics.

In 1952, the free officers expel Farouk. Elected president of the Union of Palestinian Students, Arafat meets Salah Khalaf and Khalil al Wazir, the future Abu Iyad and Abu Jihad. They create a newspaper, The Voice of Palstine, severely controlled by Egyptian censorship. Under pressure from his father, Yasser passes his exams and, in July 1956, gets a job as an engineer in a public works company.

He resigns himself to become a modest servant in the service of Arab States exploiting the capacities of these people who, like the Jews, devotes a cult to the study and whose members, dispersed throughout the world, will know for some astonishing successes in many areas. Think of the brilliant academic career of Edward Said!

History will stop this professional career. In 1956, Gamal Abdel Nasser decided to nationalize the Suez Canal, to the great fury of the British and French shareholders. Confronted with the opposition of the Muslim Brotherhood who see in the champion of pan-Arabism an "atheistic nationalist", he strikes at the same time without mercy the "Brothers" and their supporters. The Egyptian police pulled out his files and Arafat, although he broke up with them, was arrested and tortured. Barely released from prison, he watched helplessly as military operations were launched by British, French and Israeli troops. His arrest showed him that he was no longer persona grata in Egypt. He moved to Kuwait and started a business there. His management career runs short because he is taken over by the demon of politics.

In 1959, with Salah Khalaf, he founded a new newspaper, Filistinuna (Our Palestine) and a clandestine organization, Harakat Al Tahrir al Falastin (Movement for the Liberation of Palestine) whose HTF initials formed, overthrown, the word Fatah, Conquest , in Arabic. His goal: the liberation of Palestine by the armed struggle.

From then on, it is for Arafat diving in a difficult underground. Few Arab governments are ready to help the new movement except with the exception, from 1962, of independent Algeria. Arafat also opens an office in Algiers, quickly closed after an intervention with Ben Bella of Gamal Abdel Nasser . During all these years, Yasser Arafat and his companions, instead of confronting the Israelis, devote most of their energy to thwart the Lebanese, Egyptian and Syrian secret service maneuvers. They would like to get rid of these militants troublemakers who like to wear military fatigues. It is from this time that Arafat lets himself grow a badly trimmed beard, sports a keffiyeh, the Palestinian national hairstyle, and takes the name of war of Abu Amar.

These revolutionaries stand as highwaymen in the meetings of the Palestinian National Council, composed of notables who are well-off and well-groomed. In April 1964, in Jerusalem, in the luxurious setting of the Intercontinental Hotel, on the top of the Mount of Olives, the Palestinian National Council met at the instigation of Nasser to create the Palestine Liberation Organization. The Egyptian raïs is influential enough to entrust the presidency to a puppet he manipulates, Ahmed Choukeiry, a crooked lawyer whose fiery anti-Jewish tirades will do little to discredit the Palestinian cause, especially in May and June 1967.

Faced with the hostility of the Egyptians, Arafat is also opposed to that of the Syrians, from whom he had taken refuge. They reproached him for stubbornly refusing to merge his movement with Ahmed Jibril's Palestine Liberation Front, close to the new Syrian defense minister, Hafez el Assad. In May 1966, the Syrian secret service tried to lure Arafat into a trap. Late on the schedule - it's a habit he shared with François Mitterrand but for very different reasons - he escaped a bloody brawl during which he should have been assassinated. Furious, Hafez el Assad arrested the survivor and it will take many negotiations to obtain his release.

A few months later, in Marjayoun, Lebanon, he is once again arrested, then tortured before being released. In the Middle East, time is back to war. Nasser, in May 1967, asks UN peacekeepers to withdraw from Sinai and block the Straits of Sharm el-Sheikh. The Arab world is preparing for the decisive confrontation. In a few days, the Jewish state, it is the conviction of all, will be removed from the map.

On June 5, 1967, Israel launched a preventive war. In 144 hours, the IDF occupies Sinai, Gaza, the West Bank and the Golan, inflicting a stinging humiliation on those who trust the triumphalist comments of Arab radio stations too much.

In the Arab world, this is all the more as tens of thousands of new refugees have crossed the Jordan and crowded into slums on the outskirts of Amman.

In Damascus, on June 30, 1967, while having lunch at the restaurant Abu Kamal, Arafat meets Georges Habbache who confides to him: "All is lost". A rather sagacious response from the Fatah leader: "No, Georges, this is the beginning".

Mobilizing his troops, Arafat decided, in the autumn of 1967, to launch a "war of liberation" in the occupied territories. He goes there illegally. Is not Che Guevara who wants. The epic turns to fiasco. The Israeli secret services, informed of his presence, stalk him without respite. One morning, in Ramallah, future capital of the Palestinian Authority, they invest a house. The bed is hot and there is a glass of hot tea on the bedside table, his favorite drink. Arafat narrowly escaped arrest and returned to Jordan and Cairo.

There he is finally received by Nasser. At the entrance of the presidential office, he refuses to part with his weapon, a Cobra colt with white crook. The Egyptian raïs apostrophe: "You want to kill me". Answer: "No. I want to offer you the weapon of a freedom fighter ".

Seduced, Nasser gives him a hug. Between the two men, who had never met, the current passes. The Egyptian president gets rid of Choukeiry and replaces him with a straw man, Yehia Hammouda, while waiting for Arafat to be elected head of the PLO.

The Palestinian fighting units are now grouped in Jordan where they take control of the city of Karameh in February 1968. As a military commander of Fatah, Yasser Arafat set up his headquarters there. In March 1968, the Israelis, after an attack, launched a large-scale retaliation operation against the locality where the Palestinians fighters, denying the deplorable reputation attached to the Arab fighters resisted heroically.

It is this battle that really dates the international fame of Yasser Arafat. For the first time, the international press is taking a close interest in this man and his movement.

On February 4, 1969, he officially took over the presidency of the PLO. It could be for him the pinnacle of his career. The Tarpéian rock is not far.

Indeed, in Jordan, the Palestinians created a state in the state. The terrorist actions carried out by the PFLP and the PFLP of Georges Habbache and Nayef Hawatmeh are the straw that broke the camel's back. On 6 September 1970, the PFLP hijacked several airliners and landed two TWA and Swissair aircraft at Zarka, in the middle of the Jordanian desert, which were joined three days later by a BOAC aircraft. They will be destroyed with explosives but their passengers and their crews spared.

For King Hussein of Jordan, this snub to his authority is intolerable. On September 16, 1970, Palestinians were ordered to hand over their weapons to the Palestinian army. On September 17, the Arab Legion attacks the refugee camps. In the ranks of the Palestinians, the fighting is 3,440 dead and 18,840 injured. Their leaders are forced to accept an agreement that, in a few months, results in the expulsion of their troops from Jordan.

For the Arab press, that means the end of the PLO. Within it, activists are clandestine groups, such as Black September, responsible for the assassination in Cairo of Jordanian Prime Minister Wasfi el-Tall, on November 28, 191, or the killing of Israeli athletes participating in the Olympic Games. Munich in 1972. The years 1971-1972-1973 will see, everywhere in the world, Palestinian terrorism striking in a blind way.

Yasser Arafat is all busy resurrecting the PLO's ashes. Not without difficulties. For the third Arab-Israeli conflict, unleashed on October 6, 1973, ended again with a stinging defeat. After some setbacks, the IDF resumed the offensive, coming within 30 kilometers of Damascus and crossing the Suez Canal. To put an end to the fighting, a ceasefire is signed and a first conference on peace in the Middle East opens in Geneva. This is the moment chosen by Arafat to truly enter the diplomatic scene thanks to the tremendous pressure exerted, among others, by the oil monarchies. They decided to use the barrels as so many formidable weapons. The result is not long in coming. On October 14, 1974, by 105 votes, the UN invites Arafat to speak before it. On November 15, in the heart of New York, the largest Jewish city in the world, Yasser Arafat addresses two thousand diplomats and guests. He concludes his speech as follows: "I am carrying an olive branch and a shotgun of freedom fighter. Do not drop the branch of my hand. "

A tremendous ovation greets these words. This triumph, in fact, is only temporary. Since their forced departure from Jordan, PLO troops have taken refuge in the many Palestinian camps in Lebanon, where they again have a state in the state. What discontent Lebanese Christians who are also concerned about the rapprochement between the Palestinians and the Druze and Shiite communities?

On April 13, 1975, in Ain en-Romanneh, a suburb of Beirut, the Phalangists of Pierre Gemayel, the Christian leader, opened fire on a Palestinian bus, killing 27 people. This is the beginning of the endless Lebanese civil war in which the Palestinians play a decisive role.

In May 1977, Israeli parliamentary elections resulted in the surprise victory of Likud. Former terrorist, Menachem Begin becomes president of the Council. A firm believer in colonization in the occupied territories, nothing seems to predispose him to be a peacemaker. But, in the greatest secrecy, Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan is negotiating in Morocco with Egyptian Deputy Prime Minister Hassan Touhami for a summit between Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat.

On November 18, 1977, the raïs landed in Tel Aviv. The next day, he delivers a historic speech to the stunned Knesseth before going to pray at the Aqsa Mosque. In the Arab world, it is stupor and consternation. For Arafat, it's a disaster. A peace between Egypt and Israel will allow Begin to toughen his stance on the Palestinian issue and seek a separate peace deal with Jordan, the only homeland of the Palestinians in his eyes.

The signing on 29 March 1979 of peace between Egypt and Israel confirms his fears. Anwar el Sadat, in exchange for Sinai, has been content with vague promises on the granting of a very minimal form of autonomy in the territories. Future president of the Palestinian Authority (Autonomous), Arafat has this phrase that sounds curiously: "Autonomy is the permission to pick up our garbage".

But the worst is yet to come. Menachem Begin is determined to put into effect a long-term plan: to invade Lebanon and annihilate the PLO's military infrastructure.

The pretext is the attack on June 3, 1982, in London against the Israeli ambassador Shlomo Argov, by killers of the group Abu Nidal.

On June 6, 1982, the Israeli response, dubbed "Peace in Galilee", begins. The IDF invades southern Lebanon, then rushes to Beirut subject to incessant bombing. On August 12, thanks to the mediation of the United States, France and Italy, Yasser Arafat agrees to leave the city with his men. On August 30, 1982, in a deafening concert of Kalashnikov gusts, he embarked aboard Atlantis and won Bizerte in Tunisia.

What was only a setback will be transformed into a tragedy. Because to avenge the assassination, on September 14, 1982, of Bechir Gemayel, the new Lebanese president, the Phalanges massacred several thousand Palestinians, men, women, children and old men, in the camps of Sabra and Chatila. A few tens of meters away, the Israeli army does not intervene.

For Yasser Arafat, Sabra and Shatila are a turning point. On the one hand, it is a tragedy against which it turns out to be powerless and which it fears will not be renewed, since the PLO has no more bases in Beirut and will lose, in following months, those she owns in Bekaa or Tripoli, in northern Lebanon. At the same time, Yasser Arafat feels cornered: since 1964, he had always had the choice between two strategies, the military struggle and the political struggle. Today, he only has the second.

The second turning point provoked by Sabra and Chatila in Yasser Arafat is, paradoxically, the discovery of a strong pacifist movement in Israel. As soon as the massacre is known, nearly 400,000 Israelis gather, place des Rois - where Yitzhak Rabin will be assassinated - in Tel Aviv to express their shame and indignation.

It is therefore no coincidence that Yasser Arafat meets shortly after, for the first time in his life, three Israelis: Reserve General Matti Peled, journalist Uri Avnery and Yaacov Armon, facilitators of the Israeli Committee for peace in the Middle East. The meeting provokes a real uproar within the PLO. On April 10, 1983, in Lisbon, where the Congress of the Socialist International is being held, Yasser Arafat's representative, Issam Sartaoui, who had organized the interview, was shot dead by Abu Nidal's killers.

For the leader of the PLO, there is no doubt that Kadhafi and Hafez el Assad sponsored the attack. The war is open between the different Palestinian factions fighting in Lebanon, especially in Tripoli, where Yasser Arafat, having left Tunis, locks himself with his supporters and undergoes the shelling of the Syrian army. Only the intervention of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak allowed Arafat to leave the besieged city safe and sound on December 20, 1983.

The years that follow constitute for the leader of the PLO a hard test. He escapes an attack fomented against him by Syria. He miraculously survives the bombing of Tunis by the Israeli air force on October 1, 1985, and witnesses helplessly on October 7, when a group of the Abbou Abbas FLP (Abbot Liberation Front) capture the Italian ship Achille. Lauro. The execution of an invalid Jew, Leon Klinghoffer, raises international indignation that requires Arafat to take a public stance against terrorism. What he does in Cairo on November 7th. On December 27, 1985, in Vienna and Rome, Palestinians opened fire on the counters of the El Al Company, bringing a scathing denial to the leader of the PLO.

Arafat now leads a dismal existence of pariah. In Tunis, he lives constantly on his guard. He does not have a fixed address. He never sleeps more than one night in the same place. Four or five hours, no more, preferably from 4 o'clock in the morning. As soon as he wakes up, he prays and then immediately takes a glass of tea. He begins his work day at an infernal pace. He is the only one who knows his schedule. He can as well peel reports that receive ministers, journalists, comrades or decide to fly for one of those long trips he loves. In the evening, he welcomes new visitors who have been walked from house to house until they can meet the PLO leader after a very long wait. Voluble, triturating his rosary, Arafat likes to share a snack with them, not hesitating to serve them the pieces of choice.

In Tunis, for months, Arafat eats his brake, an apostle of a seemingly lost cause. It is in the territories occupied by Israel that will occur a trigger with incalculable consequences. On December 9, 1987, in Gaza, an Israeli truck driver accidentally kills four Palestinians and runs away. The burial of the victims provokes violent demonstrations in Gaza that soon spread to the West Bank. The Intifada, the first Intifada, began.

The PLO is taken aback by this uprising. Of course, the protesters brandish portraits of Arafat. But already in Gaza, the fundamentalist movement Hamas tramples the positions of the PLO by asserting itself more radical and using the formidable weapon of religious fanaticism.

For Yasser Arafat, it is crucial to take over the direction of operations, which is successfully used by his deputy and old warrior Abu Jihad. The Israelis do not deceive themselves and send a commando to assassinate him in Tunis on April 15, 1988. This does not end the "soummoud", the insurrection, far from it. This will profoundly influence Yasser Arafat's strategy. For the Palestinians from within, if they are ready to give their lives, do not intend to do so in vain. However, since 1969, when Yasser Arafat took the presidency of the PLO, their fate has not changed. Fayçal Husseini, in a document written in 1988, calls for the creation of a Palestinian state alongside the Jewish state and the creation of a government in exile. Ideas shared by Yasser Arafat's close adviser, Bassam Abu Charif, which he expresses in a text published by the Washington Post. For him, the PLO is now ready to accept UN resolutions 242 and 338, and thus the right to existence of the State of Israel.

Concluded in Algiers, the Palestinian National Council endorsed this historic turning point in the night of 14 to 15 November 1988, while proclaiming "the establishment of the State of Palestine on our Palestinian land, with Jerusalem as its capital, the saint".

On December 13, 1988, in Geneva, in the presence of US Ambassador Vernon Walters, Yasser Arafat launched a vibrant appeal to the Palestinians in the Palais des Nations room: "Come, let's make the peace of the brave".

On May 2, 1989, on an official visit, for the first time, to Paris, he declared "obsolete" the charter of the PLO which affirmed that "the armed struggle is the only way for the liberation of Palestine". This is the condition put by François Mitterrand to agree to meet the leader of the PLO. Pierre Mendès France, who, with his wife Marie-Claire, organized the first meetings between Palestinians and Israelis, had him, while he was convinced that it was necessary for Israel to recognize the PLO, still refused to meet Arafat as long as he did not cross the Rubicon.

With his spectacular initiatives, Yasser Arafat succeeds in spectacularly restoring his authority and achieving undeniable diplomatic success. For many, he has definitely broken with the long series of suicidal failures that have hitherto marked his career. In fact, it is not so. Just as uncompromising as Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir is dragging his talks with the Americans. In the summer of 1990 nothing changed.

It is then that an event will occur that will permanently upset the geopolitical situation in the Middle East. On the morning of August 2, Iraq invaded and annexed Kuwait. In the days before, Yasser Arafat shuttled between Baghdad and Kuwait City to try to impose his mediation. But his Kuwaiti interlocutors noticed that he seemed to be strangely receptive to the arguments of Saddam Hussein, who, it is true, had not spared his generosity to the PLO.

Arafat, in early August 1990, advocates for Saddam Hussein, at least does not condemn the invasion of Iraq. For Kuwaitis, it is treason. On the one hand, they host more than 300,000 Palestinians in the emirate, and Arafat himself benefited from their hospitality in the late 1950s. On the other hand, they largely contributed to filling the coffers of the PLO. Finally, in September 1990, during the Amman massacres, the crown prince of Kuwait, Sheikh Saad Abdullah as-Sabbah, saved the life of Yasser Arafat by having him put on his white abbayah to prevent a Jordanian commando from identifying him. to shoot him down. In the Arab world, this type of debt creates obligations that can not be derogated under penalty of disgrace.

What will further outrage Kuwaitis and all oil monarchies in the Gulf is the massive support the Palestinian street has given to Iraq, especially after Saddam Hussein has clearly stated that he leads "the mother of all battles "to liberate Palestine.

In a few days, the PLO and its leader lose all the credit they enjoyed in the Arab world and the international community. On January 17, 1991, Operation "Desert Storm" began. The next day, the first Iraqi Scud missiles hit Israel. In the occupied territories, Palestinians exult. Each Scud is a revenge on the humiliations suffered since 1967. These expressions of joy are greeted with consternation by the Israeli pacifists. For them, it is a great snub, but especially the proof of the political immaturity of their interlocutors.

In fact, during the Gulf War, Yasser Arafat missed an opportunity to be a true statesman capable of going against the tide of passions and warning his people against the dangers of short and medium term, of their attitude. In fact, Arafat willingly yields to the mania of mutism. He is one of the few leaders of a national liberation movement that has never been seized by the demon of writing. We know at most that he keeps a diary but he was careful not to publish any line.

The Gulf conflict is expensive, very expensive for Arafat. In the literal sense as well as figuratively. Oil monarchies and many Arab members of the international coalition stop subsidizing the PLO. For two years, the Palestinian Central managed to live, somehow, on its reserves, until broke, in the summer of 1993, an unprecedented financial crisis. The PLO has no money and many of its officials criticize Yasser Arafat's management of the coffers of the organization, the only one who knows the secret accounts numbers and can use them without control. This sparked violent controversy, prompting the resignation of members of the Palestinian delegation to the peace talks and the silent departure of the great poet Mahmoud Darwish.

In the occupied territories, the PLO faces the continued rise of Hamas, whose intransigence and spectacular attacks appeal to younger generations. Opened in Madrid in October 1991, the International Peace Conference on the Near East turns the Palestinians at a disadvantage. All participants are aware that an agreement will come to an end within four to five years, a truce in the face of decades of conflict. And Palestinians know that peace, if necessary, will be to their detriment. The Syrians, in particular, now reintegrated into the international community, to recover the Golan, are ready for many concessions. As for the Saudis and Kuwaitis, they are willing to bless any compromise that would be to the detriment of Palestinians, their sworn enemies. Yasser Arafat knows it. Is it for this reason that an important turning point then occurs in his life? He, the lonely old wolf, who was the only fiancee of Palestine, married in January 1992 with Soha Tawil, his Christian secretary who converted to Islam. She is the daughter of the great Palestinian poet Raymonda Tawil, a wealthy bourgeois from Ramallah, and she will give him a daughter, Zahwa, in 1995.

According to some sources, Yasser Arafat would have married because he foresaw a near death. He confirmed this in April 1992. His plane, an Antonov 26, crashed in the Libyan desert as he made the Khartoum-Tunis link. Found safe and sound after fifteen hours spent in the desert, the head of the Olp almost stupidly perish. A few weeks later, Yasser Arafat is hospitalized urgently in Amman, Jordan, for a brain clot operation.

For Abu Amar, now, time is running out. The Israeli Labor victory in the June 1992 legislative elections will hasten the process. At the height of unpopularity among the Palestinians, Abu Amar tries everything for the whole to enter history otherwise than in the guise of an eternal loser, dragging his keffiyeh and his face masked by a stubborn beard from capital to capital .

He therefore gives his blessing to some of his representatives who, in the greatest secrecy, negotiate with Israeli emissaries mandated by Shimon Peres, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Negotiations are taking place in Norway and culminate at the end of August 1993 in a historic agreement: the mutual recognition of Israel and the PLO and the opening of negotiations for the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Jewish state. The news takes everyone by surprise. On September 13, 1993, in Washington, on the White House lawn, in front of hundreds of guests, Yasser Arafat shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, a career soldier, far less diplomatic than Shimon Peres. . The two men will never seek to hide the deep antipathy they feel for each other and will do nothing to improve their relationships.

Between Palestinians and Israelis, then begin new negotiations to allow the establishment of autonomy ("garbage collection") in the West Bank and Gaza and facilitate the "return" of the leader of the PLO in a Palestine where he has so little lived so far. In May 1994, an agreement is found. A Palestinian Authority will have some jurisdiction over Jericho in the West Bank and Gaza that will be evacuated by the Israelis. On July 1, Yasser Arafat made a triumphant entry into Gaza before settling in Jericho, a quiet, shady village near the Dead Sea. In October 1994, Yasser Arafat received the Nobel Peace Prize along with Yitshak Rabin and Shimon Peres.

Despite clear positions, new negotiations are taking place between Israelis and Palestinians and culminate in September 1995 in an agreement providing for the extension of autonomy in the West Bank and setting a timetable for the conclusion of a final agreement, one of the consequences of which will be the evacuation of Jewish settlements in the territories. In the Israeli far right, we move and a young exalted finally take action. On November 5, 1995, he assassinated Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin during a pacifist demonstration in Tel Aviv. Yasser Arafat can not attend his funeral but discretely victimizes his widow, Léah, at his home in Tel Aviv.

Shimon Peres, with whom Arafat has better relations, succeeds Rabin. On January 20, 1996, Yasser Arafat was elected President of the Israeli Authority following the first general elections held in the West Bank and Gaza. The peace process breaks down abruptly with the defeat of Labor in the legislative elections. The new President of the Council, Benjamin Netanyahu, voted against the Oslo Accords at the Knesset and has the support of the settlers. Yet, much to their regret, "Bibi" does not interrupt the negotiations. He freezes them and brakes them by all means, to the great anger of the Americans.

The election of Labor Ehud Barak opens many hopes. The new Israeli prime minister is a soldier who wants to ensure the security of his country and his fellow citizens. There is only one way for him to make peace. At a summit in Sharm el-Sheikh on September 5, 1999, Israelis and Palestinians reached an agreement meant to pave the way for a final peace settlement. The discussions then drag on and, to overcome the difficulties, Bill Clinton meets Ehud Barak and Yasser Arafat at Camp David. He is at the end of his second and last term and wants to leave the White House on a historic gesture that would facilitate the election of his candidate in November, Al Gore, then vice president. The American president puts all his weight in the balance and Ehud Barak goes to the end of the concessions he can make. He gives in on the crucial point of Jerusalem, considering a co-sovereignty over the city, as well as on the evacuation of the settlements. The Israelis have never yielded so much. We are close to an agreement.

Only problem: at the last moment, Yasser Arafat refuses to cross the Rubicon. He does not want to give in on the right of return of refugees. It would be, he says, to sign his death warrant. In fact, observers believe that the Palestinian president did not then act like a statesman and that he was unable to silence his feelings in the name of a broader and more comprehensive view of history. and its long-term responsibilities.

For many, he did not behave like David Ben Gurion did in the case of the Altalena, the ship loaded with weapons chartered by the partisans of Menachem Begin and which arrived when the UN had just done proclaim a truce. Realizing that the break-up would cause serious difficulties for Israel in its relations with the major Western states, Ben-Gurion ruthlessly fired at the men of the Altalena who were attempting to land illegally. It was the price to pay to have a state. David Ben Gurion acquitted him, Arafat no.

The failure of the Camp David summit contributed not a little to the decay of the situation and encouraged provocations. And it is indeed a provocation that Ariel Sharon indulged in visiting the esplanade of the Temple, in fact that of the two mosques in September 2000, provoking violent Palestinian counter-demonstrations and the beginning of the second intifada. .

The escalation of violence was such that it facilitated the election, in early elections, Ariel Sharon, determined to never complete the Oslo process. A position in which he was comforted by the evolution of the geopolitical situation in the aftermath of the tragic attacks of September 11, 2001. For Ariel Sharon, the fight against terrorism meant the elimination of the PLO, which he believed was terrorism. large scale. After a series of suicide attacks by Palestinians, Ariel Sharon decided to confine Yasser Arafat to his capital of Ramallah. The Palestinian leader could no longer travel. On March 29, 2000, two days after a suicide attack that killed nearly 30 people in Netanya, a seaside resort on the first night of Passover, the Israeli army deployed inside the Palestinian Autonomous Territories and destroyed most of the Muqquata, the Palestinian Headquarters. The siege continued until the night of May 1st to 2nd, 2000.

Yasser Arafat's international isolation increased after George W. Bush made a change in the Palestinian leadership, that is, Arafat's departure, the condition for the creation of an independent Palestinian state. . Accustomed to storms, Arafat folded but did not break. He made concessions, however. Thus, on February 14, 2000, he agreed to share some of his powers by appointing a prime minister and appointed Mahmoud Abbas on March 6 to occupy this position. The incumbent of this portfolio's main task was to put an end to the corruption that surrounded the leader of the PLO. Suffice to say that Mahmoud Abbas made many enemies who obtained his departure on September 6, 2000.

To replace him, Arafat named Ahmed Qurei, speaker of the Palestinian Parliament. In the face of the increasing number of Kamikazi attacks, which the Palestinian Authority seemed unable or unwilling to stem, the Israeli government decided to "get rid" of Arafat at the appropriate time. The President of the Palestinian Authority replied that "no one will drive him" from the occupied territories.

In 2004, Ariel Sharon went one step further by declaring on April 2 that his opponent had "no assurance" on life. In the process, Sharon confirmed that if Arafat left Ramallah and the autonomous territories to travel abroad, he would not be allowed to return.This is why Yasser Arafat ill for years, has long refused to seek treatment abroad. So it was only after the disease has entered a terminal phase that his relatives decided his hospitalization in France, where the Palestinian leader arrived on October 29 to be immediately directed to the Percy military hospital in Clamart.

After a long agony, Yasser Arafat died at the age of 75 years. Died at the Percy military hospital in Clamart, the President of the Palestinian National Authority embodied since the late sixties the aspiration of its people to regain land and obtain a state. The long delay set to announce his death is very revealing of the void he leaves. Without addition of having prepared his succession. Autocratic and authoritarian, he never tolerated second-formed or one that would take over after him the torch. Whatever his countrymen regard as a second Moses will not enter the Promised Land. According to the Midrash, the Talmudic legends, if the brother of Aaron and Miriam was not admitted in Canaan, it was because he had appeared before Pharaoh, saying "ish misri Ani" (I am a Egyptian). The analogy with Arafat Cairo is obvious. As if history repeated itself endlessly in the Middle East.

In November 2013, the Swissie lab forwarded results of its analyzes to the widow of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat was poisoned with polonium, on the basis of results of examinations carried out on the remains of Palestinian leader by a Swiss lab.

On 3 December 2013 the experts commissioned by the French courts to determine the causes of the death of former Palestinian leader to conclude a generalized infection and not poisoning.

On 26 December 2013, according to an official Russian report Yasser Arafat would be dead of old age. Note that the Swiss experts have not ruled out poisoning by polonium.